1.0. Introduction
One sociolinguistic implication of the diffusion of English language – an amalgam of the three paltry languages of the Jutes, Angles and the Saxon, unknown in the 6th Century AD – in the global scene is the emergence of World Englishes (WE) (Adegbija, 1994). English is now spoken all over the world among various categories of speakers. The Kachruan ‘three concentric circles’ of English users are the Inner Circle, the Outer Circle and the Expanding Circle (Kachru,1985).These are normatively characterized as Norm-producing, Norm-developing and Norm-dependent users. This sociolinguistic scenario is also aptly captured by Quirk (1985:1-2) as English as a Native language(ENL) countries (Great Britain, United States, Canada, Australia, South-Africa), English as a Second Language countries (e.g. Nigeria, India, Singapore, Tanzania, Zambia, Ghana, Uganda, Kenya, etc.) and English as a Foreign Language countries (e.g. Germany, Russia, China, France, Belgium, Italy, Saudi Arabia, Greece, etc.) (Adedimeji, 2006).
The international explosion of English has made it cease to be an exclusive preserve of the English people (Adegbija,1994:209).As there are more speakers of English in the outer and expanding circles than the norm-producing inner circle, English is now seen as a global language, susceptible to the subtleties and idiosyncracies of regional and cultural linguistic behaviours. Indeed, Bailey and Gorlach (1982) provide a panoramic overview of world varieties of English as clothed by their various distinctive peculiarities and identifiable local flavour. Some of the issues that have arisen from this phenomenon as rightly identified by Adegbija (1994) are: (a) the growth and development of indigenized, nativized indiosyncratic varieties, (b) the issue of intelligibility or otherwise of the emerging varieties and the implications of this for an international or global variety, (c) the acceptability of the different varieties and (d) the determination of which variety should be the ideal norm to use as a model, especially in education.
As “sociolinguistics tries to cope with the messiness of language as a social phenomenon” (Coulmas, 2003:263), such messiness may be said to abound in the sociogeographical spread of English across the world. Some world varieties of English, aspects of Nigerian English inclusive, would still need to be interpreted to other speakers of English before they are intelligible. This is a result of the overbearing local idioms and linguistic patterns that characterize such varieties or uses. Trask (1995:75) provides such structures of English varieties that are quite normal to their users as follows:
1. We had us a real nice house 2. She’s a dinky-di Pommie Sheila.
3. I might could do it.
4. The lass didn’t gan to the pictures, pet.
5. They’re a lousy team any more.
6. I am not knowing where to find a stepney.
The expressions above are marked by dialects or regional forms. Almost all of them may have to be interpreted to Nigerian and other English speakers apart from their specific users. As adapted from Trask (1995:74-75), the first expression is peculiar to the south of the USA, with the extra “us” and the form is sometimes used elsewhere. The second structure is Australian English, a native speaker variety, and it means “she’s a typical Englishwoman.” The third example is a normal expression in parts of the Appalachian Mountain region of the USA as well as many parts of Scotland; it means “I might be able to do it.” The fourth structure is ‘Geordie’, the speech of the Tyneside area of northeastern England and it means “The girl didn’t go to the cinema.” The fifth expression is typical of a large part of northeastern USA and the use is considered mysterious because it means “They used to be a good team but now they are lousy” the opposite of they are not a lousy team anymore .The last (number 6) example is an Indian English expression and it means “I don’t know where to find a spare wheel.”
What the above shows that English adapts to the socio-cultural constraints that characterize various contexts of its use. A world language par excellence, its propensity to adapt to the dictates of its users, whoever they are, appears to be inimitable. This paper overviews the linguistic features that typify Nigerian English and highlights the implications of such in an unfolding century that poses greater challenges for mankind, economically, politically, culturally, educationally among others, and in which internationalism and globalization will become more pervasive. The present exercise is relevant because most previous attempts at addressing features of the Nigerian English have been particularistic and unidirectional, focusing on individual or two levels of linguistic description. For instance, all of Banjo (1971), Adetugbo (1977), Bamgbose (1982), Jibril (1979;1982), Eka (1985) among others have focused on phonology.
Odumu (1981) focuses mainly on syntax and semantics and Banjo(1969), Adesanoye (1973), Kujore (1985), Awonusi (1990)and Jowitt (1991) treat aspects of morphology and syntax extensively in their treatises. Akere (1982), Adegbija (1989), Bamiro (1991), Alabi (2000) among others have been preoccupied with lexico-semantic features while fragments of pragmatic features of Nigerian English can be gleaned from the works of Akere (1978), Adetugbo (1986), Bamgbose (1995) and Banjo(1996).The representative features in all the above are adopted while others are added as found desirable.